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Appendix T
Forest Activities and Community Well-being:
A Monitoring Framework for the Quincy Library Group Legislation

Forest Community Research

Jonathan Kusel 1, Samuel C. Doak 2, and Lita P. Buttolph 3

Introduction

The inclusion of humans and the assessment of community well-being in ecosystem studies is in its infancy. Though recent ecosystem studies have included community assessments (see, for example, Forest Ecosystem Management Assessment Team 1993; Interior Columbia Basin Ecosystem Management Project 1998; and Sierra Nevada Ecosystem Project 1996) and progress has been made, there remains no generally accepted approach for assessment and monitoring nor agreed upon definition of community well-being. For example, even though The Northwest Forest Plan addresses both ecological and socioeconomic goals, the effectiveness monitoring plan for it ignores socioeconomic issues (Intergovernmental Advisory Committee Research and Monitoring Committee Effectiveness Monitoring Team 1997).

This paper presents a framework to assess and monitor community well-being in the context of the Quincy Library Group legislation, with the primary focus on assessing the effects of activities in the national forests of the Quincy Library Group area. It differs from social impact assessment associated with the National Environmental Policy Act by not trying to predict social consequences of the Quincy Library Group legislation and, instead, developing a framework to assess well-being in response to the legislation. This framework is presented in two sections, beginning, in the first section, with an examination of conditions commonly thought to reflect various aspects of community well-being. This is followed by a discussion of the exploration and identification of sociodemographic patterns that influence community well-being and provide perspective to the potential value and influence of forest management activities. The second section builds on the first and involves the identification and specification of ways to measure forest management activities and assess the causal relationships between these activities and community well-being. Only through this last part is it possible to begin to monitor and understand the effects of the implementation of the Quincy Library Group legislation on community well-being.

Due to severe time constraints and the Federal Advisory Committee Act, this framework is incomplete. With additional time, the framework would be further developed and, more importantly, required notice and planning would have been done to allow active public engagement with this work. The monitoring framework is not complete without local knowledge and values directly informing it.



Footnotes:
  1 Jonathan Kusel is Executive Director of Forest Community Research, Taylorsville, California.

  2 Samuel C. Doak is Director of Consulting Initiatives with Ecotrust, Portland, Oregon.

  3 Lita P. Buttolph is Natural Resource Analyst with Ecotrust, Portland, Oregon.



Monitoring Community Well-Being: A Focus on Capital

The Quincy Library Group legislation is designed with the twin objectives of improving health of the forest and communities in the Quincy Library Group area. Like previous conceptualizations of well-being, Quincy Library Group legislation discusses forest community well-being in the context of "stability'' which, until recently, has been uncritically accepted as causally connected to the flow of logs that, as the argument goes, leads to increased employment that, in turn, leads to well-being (Kusel 1996). This long-held perspective ignores studies that show no causal connection between timber harvest levels and poverty and other measures of well-being (Danks and Jungwirth 1998); ignores the mediating function of industrial structure and land tenure (Fortmann et al. 1991; Kim 1973; and Stewart 1993); underestimates or ignores entirely the role of non-timber forest uses such as recreation and non-timber forest products (Belzer and Kroll 1986; McLain and Jones 1997); and fails to address the non-economic values of the forest (Hester 1985; Meinig 1979). Because of the confusion associated with use of the "stability'' term, the focus of this monitoring framework is on community well-being.

Forest management is the primary focus of the Quincy Library Group legislation, therefore the monitoring framework focuses on the interaction of natural capital (Bunker 1985) -- which includes condition, products, services and value provided by forests and watersheds -- with diverse forms of community capital. Community capital encompasses four areas: (1) physical capital, which includes a community's physical infrastructure (sewer systems, business parks, housing stock and schools); (2) financial capital, which includes money, credit, capital assets such as equipment, and other financial resources available for local use; (3) human capital, which includes the skills, education, experiences and general abilities and capabilities of residents; and (4) social capital, which includes the willingness of residents to work together toward community goals (and not just self-interested goals). These forms of community capital all are components of well-being and collectively make up what is termed community capacity, defined as the ability of a community to respond to external and internal stresses, to create and take advantage of opportunities, and to meet the needs of residents diversely defined (Kusel 1996).

Assessment of natural capital itself however is beyond the scope of this monitoring framework but is raised here for three reasons: (1) assessment of natural capital differs from assessment of the relationship between the use and management of natural capital and community well-being; (2) while the importance of the interdependence between communities and natural capital is beginning to be recognized, measurement of this complex relationship is limited and requires in-depth empirical examination; and (3) institutional arrangements associated with the management, valuation and investment by beneficiaries of natural capital are often poorly developed, and in some cases not developed at all, thereby reducing opportunities for local well-being to be improved by natural capital (or resource) management. For example, the Quincy Library Group area encompasses the headwaters of the California State Water Project, a primary provider of water for Southern California residents and a producer of power for Pacific Gas and Electric. The condition of the watershed affects water quality, flow regimes and, to a lesser extent, quantity, yet the beneficiaries invest little to nothing in the natural capital, nor compensate those responsible for maintaining the watershed and the services the (eco)system provides (Gray and Wills 1999). Similarly, the importance of carbon sequestration provided by forests has only recently been recognized, but it will be a long time before the Forest Service or other forest land stewards receive compensation for sustaining the natural capital necessary to provide this service. In a more socially equitable system, those who benefit from the condition, products, services and value associated with natural capital contribute to the maintenance (and/or restoration) of it. Establishing the institutional mechanisms to connect management of natural capital and its beneficiaries will ultimately ensure better ecosystem stewardship and strengthen the reciprocal relationship between communities and their surrounding environment.

A Monitoring Framework

This framework addresses the social effects of the Quincy Library Group legislation using a variety of indicators to assess community well-being, and a methodology of measurement and analysis to understand the influence of forest management activity. Social indicators are used to assess the effects of projects and policies (Interorganizational Committee 1994) as well as evaluate life conditions or well-being more generally (Campbell 1981). It is important to do both in this assessment because the complex relationship between natural capital and physical, financial, human and social capital-or forest management and community well-being-is not well understood. Moreover, there is little agreement about what constitutes well-being and how best to measure it. As Burdge (1994) states, "The field of impact assessment does not have a series of agreed upon concepts or list of variables around which to accumulate research knowledge.''

Diverse demographic and socioeconomic indicators associated with categories of community capital and other general measures of community condition are presented as a means to assess community well-being and monitor the effects the Quincy Library Group legislation. Researchers have primarily focused on measures of financial capital, such as income or the lack of it with measures of poverty, and measures of human capital, such as education. As measures of aggregate human condition, most indicators reflect a static view of social conditions that may or may not correspond to community well-being. For example, in their study of Sierra Nevada communities, Doak and Kusel (1996) found that a Lake Tahoe community with one of the highest poverty levels had no children from families receiving public assistance and had one of the most highly educated populations. This seemingly anomalous condition is the result of a preponderance of younger residents living in the community to take advantage of skiing and other outdoor recreation opportunities. For this community, poverty is a poor indicator of well-being. Many residents, poor by measure of income, have chosen a lifestyle that places a relatively low value on income. As this example shows, social indicator correspondence to well-being requires empirical examination. No simple measures of social capital have been developed. Assessment of social capital involves in-depth community and regional analysis (Putnam 1993) or focus sessions with community experts (Doak and Kusel 1996).

It is important to distinguish between indicators and measures, although there is overlap in their use. Indicators may be derived from a variety of specific measures and are generally based on a model that a stressor affects the system in some consistent and knowable way. Measures are a subcategory of indicators and may vary and change depending on the availability or appropriateness of various data. Poverty, for example, is often used as an indicator of well-being (and one that has often been used as a solitary proxy for well-being), yet poverty can be measured in a variety of ways. As an indicator, relative poverty is the social position of an individual in society in terms of her inability to meet basic needs and personal dignity (Humphrey, et al. 1993). Specific U.S. government measures of poverty are based on the income levels below which a family is unable to purchase food with a third of its income. A variety of poverty measures are derived from this income-based definition: the number or percentage of a given population in poverty, families in poverty; and poverty intensity (Doak and Kusel, 1996). Other measures of poverty can be derived from participation in social welfare programs such as Food Stamps, Free and Reduced School Lunches, and the now defunct Aid to Families of Dependent Children (AFDC) or its replacement program, Temporary Aid for Needy Families (TANF). None of these individual measures define the full extent of poverty as an indicator, nor are all possible measures necessary to make poverty an adequate indicator or well-being.

This monitoring framework is developed to discern the relationship of forest management to community well-being by measuring components of community well-being, developing an understanding of sociodemographic factors affecting well-being, and delving into the causal relationships related to forest management activities. Following the discussion of the importance of baseline measures and spatial and temporal scales, indicators and measures of conditions commonly associated with community well-being are identified. This is followed by a discussion of demographic and socioeconomic patterns. These patterns and relationships are important to understand because they inform data use and methods of analyses. The final section identifies means to assess the associations and causal relationships between the management of natural capital and community well-being. Though the thrust of this effort focuses on assessing the effects of forest management activities resulting from the Quincy Library Group legislation, it is important to point out that these effects take place against the backdrop of subregional to global social and economic conditions that have nothing to do with forests but that may have far more impact on local community well-being. These effects must be teased out, through cautious analysis, from a set of highly complex relationships.

Establishing a Baseline, Temporal and Spatial Scales

To determine the effects of Quincy Library Group legislation requires first establishing a baseline to which subsequent measures or indicators might be compared. A baseline is an existing condition or past trend (Interorganizational Committee 1994) based on some time period, such as an annual or a five- or ten-year period. This period may or may not encompass the time immediately preceding the implementation of the legislation. Because establishing a baseline can predetermine monitoring ``findings,'' it is often the subject of debate. For example, if the late 1970s or the late 1980s are chosen as a baseline for forest products industry employment in the Quincy Library Group area, measures of subsequent employment levels will show declines because of the record harvests that took place and the less efficient and more numerous mills in operation during these periods. Similarly, virtually all subsequent measures of unemployment would be improved if the baseline for this measure was based on early 1980s, a period during which there was a national recession and the closure of one of the largest mills in the area.

Determining the temporal scale-when and how often to monitor-can be as important as the selection of an indicator itself. Just as establishment of a reliable baseline condition may require several years of data, monitoring indicators may require several years of data collection to isolate project effects. Repeated measures throughout the five-year duration of the legislation may be required and effects may be lagged: changes will not appear until after the five-year project period. Lagged effects may be important. Researchers and local residents need to be on the lookout for markers of their subsequent emergence.

Establishing a baseline requires also determining the spatial scales for which data are to be collected and assessed. While the spatial scale of the legislation is the Quincy Library Group area, the objective of this monitoring framework is to identify how the project affects community well-being. To understand community well-being requires a focus on the community. While county level information can be informative at a broad level, and in some cases may be the only level at which information is available, county-level data may obscure important within-county and community variation. The characteristics of urban areas or larger communities within a county often overshadow those of smaller communities. Additionally, communities with high poverty are often found within counties with low or moderate poverty. In Plumas County, the four largest communities have median incomes that are lower than the county average, with one community over 30 percent lower. The timber industry comprises a relatively small component of the Quincy Library Group area economy, yet there are a few communities in the area, like Loyalton, in which it remains a foundation of the local economy.

Table T-1. Communities of Primary Socioeconomic Region
Community County
Central Butte Butte County
Forest Ranch/Cohasset/Butte Creek Canyon Butte County
Lake Oroville Area Butte County
Paradise/Magalia Butte County
Sterling City/Upper Concow Butte County
Bieber/Big Valley Lassen County
Doyle Lassen County
Eagle Lake Lassen County
Herlong/Sierra Army Depot Lassen County
Janesville Lassen County
Madeline Plains/Northeast Lassen Lassen County
Milford Lassen County
Standish/Litchfield Lassen County
Susanville Lassen County
Westwood/Clear Creek Lassen County
Chester Plumas County
East Shore/Hamilton Branch Plumas County
Graeagle Plumas County
Greenville/Indian Valley Plumas County
Lake Almanor Peninsula Plumas County
Lake Almanor West Plumas County
Mohawk Valley Plumas County
Portola Plumas County
Quincy Plumas County
Sierra Valley Plumas County
Camptonville/Strawberry Valley/La Porte Yuba & Plumas Counties
Brownsville/Challenge/Woodleaf/Rackerby Yuba County
Dobbins/Challenge/Brownsville Yuba County
Oregon House/Dobbins Yuba County
Burney Shasta County
Cassel/Hat Creek/Old Station Shasta County
Fall River Mills/McAuthur Shasta County
Johnson Park Shasta County
Lake Britton/Glenburn Shasta County
Montgomery Creek/Round Mountain/Big Bend Shasta County
Oak Run/Millville/Whitmore Shasta County
Shingletown Shasta County
Downieville/North Yuba Sierra County
Sierra Valley/Verdi Sierra County
Mineral/Eastern Tehama Tehama County
Donner Summit Nevada County

Figure T-1. Primary Communities of the Quincy Library Group Area

Measuring Components of Well-Being and Associated Patterns

This framework suggests an approach for monitoring community well-being in the context of the effect of activities on national forests of the QLG area. This first section focuses on measuring community conditions through a variety of static indicators and measures of well-being. This is followed by a discussion on the need for additional information regarding some of the more significant sociodemographic patterns that influence well-being in the communities of the QLG area.

Indicators and Measures to Assess Community Well-Being

This first level of effort focuses on measuring community conditions through several indicators and measures of well-being. These provide a static view of community well-being at any point in time, although trend data reveals recent changes in condition over time. No single list could ever fully define all possible measures of the various components of well-being. Nor would the implementation of such a list be practical or useful. The following outlines certain indicators and related measures based on their effectiveness in depicting the current status and recent changes in various components of well-being, and the relative degree of effort required to assess them. Where possible these measures should also be applied to population sub-groups such as age, family status, ethnicity and other factors in order to more clearly reveal specific patterns.

Many indicator projects simply stop at providing a variety of measures, relying on conventional wisdom for interpretation (for example, the higher the level of per capita income the better off the community). Collectively these measures provide a static picture of components of community well-being, but they do not present a full understanding of well-being in terms of why conditions are the way they are or how they might be altered. Moreover, without further analysis they cannot imply any causal linkage to forest activities of the Quincy Library Group legislation.

Educational Attainment

Educational attainment is an indicator of human capital, and is related to socioeconomic status. Higher education levels suggest not only greater potential earning power but also reflect an individual's ability to take advantage of a greater variety of economic opportunities and contribute to overall community capacity. Changes in aggregate educational attainment may be the result either of education of an in-place population or the ebb and flow of individuals with certain education characteristics as people move in and out of a community, or both.

Educational attainment is generally measured as the number of individuals with certain levels of academic achievement within a given population. For example the Bureau of the Census provides statistics on the number of adults 25 years and older that have one of seven mutually-exclusive levels of attainment. These can be used, for example, to measure the percentage of a population with a high school diploma or greater level of attainment. Doak and Kusel (1996) use these individual categories to create a multi-dimensional scale as a single measure of educational attainment. Rather than selecting a single category, such as the percentage of persons with a high school diploma, the educational scale measures the educational attainment level of the entire population by progressively weighting higher levels of education. A more limited measure of education attainment is high school drop-out rates.

The dicennial Census of Population and Housing is the primary source of existing data on educational attainment. Drop-out rates are available at both individual school and school district levels from individual schools and the US Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, respectively.

Poverty

Poverty is the relative social position of an individual in society in terms of his or her inability to meet basic needs and personal dignity (Humphrey, et al, 1993) and is a component of financial and, secondarily, human capital. Poverty is also a standard measure determined by the Bureau of the Census as a function of family size and income and generally expressed as the poverty rate. Persons living in families with incomes below the determined poverty level are considered to be in poverty. The Census also provides percentile statistics categorizing populations by the degree to which their income levels are either above or below the poverty line. These percentiles can be used to measure poverty intensity in a community in terms of the relative number of people in each percentile below the poverty line (Doak and Kusel, 1996). Despite its long use as an official measure of poverty, the Census-determined poverty rate has several limitations including (1) exclusion of in kind benefits when calculating family income, (2) ignoring the cost of earned income (e.g., child care), (3) disregarding regional variation in the cost of living, (4) ignoring tax payments, (5) ignoring differences in health insurance coverage, and (6) not accounting for changes in consumption patterns in U.S. households (Citro and Michael, 1995).

Conceived more broadly, poverty can be assessed through several other measures including participation in social welfare programs such as Food Stamps, Free and Reduced School Lunches, and the now defunct Aid to Families of Dependent Children (AFDC) or its replacement program, Temporary Aid for Needy Families (TANF). In California, Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF- also known as Cal-Works) replaced Assistance to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) in January 1998. Because of differences in eligibility requirements, AFDC and TANF data cannot be directly compared.

The dicennial Census of Population and Housing is the primary source of available poverty data. Inter-census surveys provide estimates at grosser levels of geographic analysis. Free and Reduced Lunch participation can be determined from school statistics available from the National Center for Education Statistics - Common Core of Data, which provides current and historical information at the individual school level. Community level statistics on public assistance programs can be obtained from County social welfare departments.

Unemployment

Unemployment is nominally the lack of employment of individuals who desire jobs, although there are other significant dimensions to this indicator that are often not considered. This is a particularly relevant indicator as it goes to the heart of the notion that the forest is a source of jobs, which, in turn, are fundamental to community well-being. Employment encompasses various aspects of human and financial capital.

The unemployment rate, or percentage of the labor force that is unemployed, is a widely accepted measure of unemployment determined by state and federal agencies under specific definitional and temporal parameters. In the dicennial census of population and housing the Bureau of the Census measures civilian unemployment as all civilians sixteen years old and older classified that (1) were neither "at work'' nor "with a job but not at work'' during the week of enumeration, and (2) were looking for work during the four weeks preceding enumeration, and (3) were available to accept a job. Similar definitions are used by state agencies in determining unemployment on a monthly basis at state and county levels. While well-defined, this is a somewhat narrow view of the status of the labor force. Since it is limited to those actively seeking work this measure is often inaccurate in areas of chronic unemployment where frustrated workers have dropped out of the labor force. Moreover, this official measure only addresses workers currently in the local labor force. It does not include those more mobile workers who leave a community in search of other work, and therefore may give a false impression of relative stability in local employment. In rural areas where seasonal employment is often high, fluctuation in the labor force can be as important a measure of unemployment as the unemployment rate. Other measures of unemployment include the number of persons filing claims for unemployment benefits. A related but far more difficult indicator to measure is underemployment, the employment of individuals below their individual capabilities.

The dicennial Census of Population and Housing is the primary source of available sub-county unemployment data. The State of California Employment Development Department provides monthly unemployment and labor forces estimates based on business surveys.

Housing tenure

Housing tenure is a measure of the degree to which residents of a community own their own homes, or the relative level of owner-occupied housing versus renter-occupied housing. Housing tenure is largely a reflection of economic capital in that it is suggestive of the relative wealth of community residents and offers insight into the degree of local control of a vitally important economic resource: a communities housing stock. It may also reflect social capital to the degree that it indicates residents' commitment to a community.

Generally, housing tenure is measured as the percentage of occupied housing units that are owner occupied. This definition excludes group quarters such as military barracks, college dormitories, and prisons as well as unoccupied housing such as second homes and vacant units. The dicennial Census of Population and Housing is the primary source of available sub-county housing tenure data. More current ownership data may be developed from county assessors tax roles, although development of this data is likely to be quite time-consuming.

Crime

Crime is an indicator of social pathology and dysfunction within a community and reflects aspects of social capital. There are a number of measures of crime -- such as arrest rates, calls to the police, reported incidences, convictions - that can be made across a wide array of crime types. For measurement purposes various crime types are often combined into specific categories that are more informative of social conditions, such as violent crimes, drug crimes, domestic violence, or driving under the influence of alcohol. As a measure, crime statistics are generally expressed as a crime rate where the population of the community normalizes the number of occurrences. Some caution is warranted in the use of local crime data. Variations in crime rates over time or between communities may be significantly influenced by variations in enforcement levels or reporting practices. Community level, or sub-county, crime data is generally only available through county sheriff and local police departments.

Health and Safety

Health and safety conditions indicate the ability of a community to take care of residents and visitors by providing safe opportunities for both work and play and providing adequate health care. Health and safety speaks primarily to social capital but also reflects aspects of human capital and physical capital. Certain jobs have higher frequencies of accidents than do others. Fishing, forest, and mining jobs, for example, have some of the highest rates of worker injuries and deaths. The relative safety of the work environment within a community can be measured by the reported average number of injuries and fatalities per 1,000 worker hours by job category. General health can also be measured through a variety of means. The percentage of low birth-weight babies and the infant mortality rate are two indicators of poor health and inadequate health care. These indicators can be problematic, however, since births are recorded at the place of birth, not the community of residence. Moreover, problem births tend to occur in health care facilities that are better equipped to handle them. Access to health care can be measured by the number of jobs providing health insurance coverage.

Civic Participation

The level of civic participation within a community reflects social capital--the degree to which citizens within a community interact and work together for their community--rather than personal goals. Most quantitative measures, however, provide only limited proxies of social capital. Voter participation rates, particularly in local elections, are one measure of civic participation. The number and diversity of community groups and organizations, including churches, can also be used to assess aspects of civic participation.

Business Activity

The level of business activity within a community is largely a reflection of both financial and human capital in that it is an indicator of local financial assets at work and the skills and abilities of individuals to create opportunities within their communities. There are a variety of measures of business activity and associated data sources.

Examining Sociodemographic Patterns

Additional information regarding some of the more significant sociodemographic patterns that influence community well-being provide an understanding about the broader context in which the well-being of communities is realized. Although the nature and extent of particular relationships is not always clear, community well-being is influenced by numerous internal and external patterns. An understanding of broader sociodemographic patterns is necessary to provide critical insight into the relative significance of individual indicators of well-being and the potential range of effect that forest management activity might actually have on well-being. Sociodemographic data regarding human populations, work, and sources of income provide a broader context from which to interpret community well-being and the relative impacts of land management activities. Because these measures often reflect broader, regional socioeconomic patterns, their value is in understanding system variability. With the view of sociodemographic change as resulting from more general trends occurring regionwide, nationally, or globally, it is valuable to look at the influence of demographics on local well-being, and on the relative role of forest activities in influencing community well-being overall.

Many of these sociodemographic patterns are best examined at county and regional scales, although when data are available community level analysis can enhance understanding of patterns. Sociodemographic data are generally readily available at county and regional scales, and at more frequent intervals than most community level information. The relative ease of data collection, however, does not infer any priority. Sociodemographic patterns inform our understanding of measured well-being conditions; they do not replace them.

Population

Population changes have a significant impact on local economies and social structures, and contribute to community changes. Sociodemographic measures, such as mobility, may indicate significant local impacts on human capital and physical infrastructure. For example, a shift in age structure towards an older population may result in greater demands for services, but may also result in an increase in employment opportunities in high value service industries such as financial services and health care. Changes in population numbers, ethnic composition, age structure, and mobility within the Quincy Library Group area can also be viewed as a response to forces internal to the area that may or may not be influenced by land management activities, yet may change the way activities on national forests are valued and affect community well-being. For example, the high amenity value of the northern Sierra Nevada may attract retirees who are not dependent on local employment; while at the same time younger adults may leave the area due to lack of employment opportunities.

Readily available and commonly used demographic measures include population, age structure, ethnicity, and migration patterns. Data on population, age structure, and ethnicity are available by the U.S. Bureau of the Census on an annual basis, primarily summarized at the county level. Some of these data are also available for larger towns and cities in the region.

Age Distribution

Patterns of age distribution are measured as the percentage of the total population within specific age groups within communities or other social/geographic units. An understanding of age distribution patterns and trends can provide insight into the relationship of the population to both the local economy and the local landscape. Understanding population age patterns may be particularly important for the QLG area where the landscape amenity values of the national forest influence the growth of retirement communities. Previous studies in the Sierra Nevada identified communities uniquely oriented towards retirement populations, young adults, and young families. Four of the primary QLG communities were identified as retirement communities, where at least 50 percent of the population, on average, were fifty years of age or more. These are the QLG area communities of Paradise/Magalia, Eagle Lake, Lake Almanor Peninsula, and Graeagle (Doak and Kusel, 1996). Large or increasing retirement age populations change the structure of communities by bringing in money through capital payments and transfer payments, thereby diminishing the relative importance of earnings from employment as a source of personal income. They may also create a greater local demand for services, both from local government and from the local economy. The former may put demands on government that force a conflict between older residents and younger adult and family populations. The latter may stimulate local economic opportunities in high-value service jobs such as health care and finance. Patterns of age distribution may also indicate differences in the relationships between residents and the forest landscape. Large or increasing retirement age populations tend to depend on forests and the national forests primarily for landscape amenities. At the same time, increasing development adjacent to forest land, particularly dispersed development, increases the need for fire protection services and prevention practices. Populations of young adults and young families may rely on local forests both as a source of jobs and for landscape amenities, depending on their particular economic orientation.

Mobility

An understanding of patterns and trends in population mobility provides insight into the relative stability of community populations and in the relationship of the population to both the local economy and the local landscape. Based on the 1990 Census, in three-quarters of the QLG communities over 25 percent of the population was new to the area within the last five years. In two communities, over 50 percent of the population moved to the area from another county or state within the past five years (1990 Census of Population and Housing). A high level of community residents new to the area may indicate changes in the relationships between residents and the natural landscape, including their relative dependence on forests for different values and products, and therefore the relative impact of land management on community well-being. The Census of Population and Housing provides dicennial statistics on mobility in residents based on their relative location in a previous period. Annual demographic estimates developed by the State of California provide county level data on migration and in-migration.

Growth

An understanding of patterns and trends in growth within the communities of the QLG area provide added insight into the changing nature of area communities and in the relationship of the population to both the local economy and the local landscape. In several communities of the QLG area at least 50 percent of the houses were constructed within the ten year period prior to the 1990 census, including those in Lake Almanor West, Shingletown, Sierra Valley, Eagle Lake, Graeagle, Central Butte, Camptonville/Strawberry Valley/La Porte (1990 Census of Population and Housing). Changes in community structure due to high rates of growth in population and housing is likely to result in increased demand for local government services including physical infrastructure such as roads and schools and social services such as health and income maintenance, and may complicate federal, state and local fire protection responsibilities. Growth may stimulate the local economy through greater demand for local services from the private sector. Growth may indicate changes in the nature of the dependence that residents have to the natural landscape and the national forests. Annual building permit data can be collected from individual counties.

Sources of Personal Income

The ability of forest-related work to influence community well-being through economic means is limited by the economic realities of the area, where a significant portion of all personal income is derived from unearned sources and non-timber related employment. For example, only 57 percent of all personal income in the combined counties of Lassen, Plumas and Sierra is derived from earnings from work. The remaining 43 percent of personal income is imported into the area in the form of capital payments (18 percent of personal income) and transfer payments (25 percent of personal income), primarily retirement and disability insurance benefits and medical payments. The primary economic engine generating earnings from work in the core counties is government. Forty-one percent of all non-farm earnings are derived from government employment, primarily in local government. Earnings from work in high value services (such as health services, legal services, finance) make up eleven percent of all earnings, comparable to the current level of earnings from the manufacturing sector (1996, BEA).

An understanding of the major sources of personal income of residents provides perspective on income flowing into the local economy and specifically the relative role of employment to the local economy. The local economies of the Sierra Nevada have changed significantly in the past twenty years through the rapid expansion of capital payments and transfer payments as sources of personal income other than local employment. Income from capital payments and transfer payments can be a significant source of basic money flowing into the local economy from external sources. The higher the percentage of total personal income that is derived from capital and transfer payments the lower the relative importance of wages associated with selling goods and services outside the local economy. This income however, has little effect locally if residents spend it outside of the area. A high percentage of personal income derived from capital and transfer payments can buffer the impact of periodic fluctuations in local employment related to forest management activities on local economies.

Employment Sectors

Patterns and trends in income and employment by sector provide an understanding of the major economic engines of local economies as well as the types of job opportunities available. It also informs an understanding of the relative impact that individual sectors may have on the economy, particularly those related to forest management and the extraction and production of forest products. Throughout much of the Sierra Nevada and in the QLG area in particular, government is the major economic engine of local economies. For example, forty-one percent of all non-farm earnings from employment in the combined core counties are derived from government employment, primarily in local government (1996, BEA). Growth in earnings in high-value services can indicate significant diversification within the economy. High-value services are those service sector elements characterized by relatively well-paying jobs and include finance, insurance and real estate; business services, health services, legal services, educational services, and engineering and management services.

Travel to Work

An understanding of trends in travel to work patterns provide an indication of the degree to which workers travel out of the area to work. The Sierra Nevada has become the home of an increasing number of commuters who drive to work in urban centers outside the region, although this phenomenon is not nearly as prevalent in the core QLG area as it is in Nevada, Placer and El Dorado Counties to the south and some of the foothill communities to the West. As of 1990, less then 10 percent of workers within Lassen, Plumas, and Sierra Counties traveled to work beyond those three counties (BEA), though this total has undoubtedly increased with the growth of Eastside area communities and resident travel to the Reno-Sparks metropolitan area for work. Residents that travel to work outside the core area are a source of basic income to the area. An increase in the percentage of out-of-area workers indicates less reliance on other sources of basic income. Increases in the percentage of out-of-area workers may indicate a greater dependence on forests for landscape and amenity values rather than sources of income through resource extraction and processing.

Natural Capital Management and its Relationship to Community Well-Being

The preceding section discusses a number of indicators and measures as well as sociodemographic patterns and relationships that can be used to monitor the effects of natural capital management on community well-being. Effects of the Quincy Library Group legislation are determined by whether legislatively driven management of natural capital improves, worsens or leaves unchanged the physical, financial, human or social capital in the area (natural capital is not discussed here but must be included in the overall assessment of the legislation). These dimensions of well-being together make up community capacity. Well-being assessment therefore must involve not only examination of how categories of capital are affected individually, but how categories are effected collectively, including their interactions with one another at the level of a community.

Separating the effects of Quincy Library Group legislation from non-legislatively driven natural capital management-and against a backdrop of local, regional and even global social and economic trends-requires in-depth qualitative analysis of multiple measures and indicators. Qualitative assessment includes, among other techniques, key informant interviews and focus group meetings of local and area experts for the purposes of drawing on local knowledge to assist in the interpretation of data and identification of effects on the four categories of community capital. For example, education levels or measures of income have long been used to assess well-being. Yet, like highly educated residents who do not participate in the activities of a community, the presence of the wealthy who neither spend nor invest money locally means these measures reflect only aggregated individual condition and reflect little on real community well-being. The success of the Quincy Library Group or the Plumas County Children's Network, groups working collectively toward community ends, illustrate why, of the four dimensions of capital, social capital has proven to be the strongest determinate of community well-being.

Local experts must also be involved to help identify how social effects resonate within a community. For example, when the local mill closes or the Forest Service goes through a period of downsizing, local jobs are lost. A traditional impact assessment will focus on unemployment rates. In-depth assessment involving local experts will explore how lost jobs affect the categories of community capital. Lost jobs may result in diminished resident involvement in community civic functions as workers or family members pull back from volunteer activities or leave a community. This results in the loss of local leaders or other volunteers, such as those who serve in the local fire department or coach Little League baseball. In this manner, a decline in employment affects not only financial and human capital, but also social capital. These kinds of second order effects, some of which are at the core of community function and well-being, can only be determined through a combination of quantitative indicator assessment coupled with qualitative assessment involving community and area experts. In addition to amplifying assessment of effects, integrating local experts into the research process allows researchers to more effectively integrate and respond to local issues and values and make the research more useful (Gaventa 1993).

Instead of exclusively extrapolating community effects from area-wide measures, this approach combines area-wide analysis with a "grounded'' approach in which the effects identified through monitoring and assessment at the level of communities are "aggregated'' to determine the overall effects of the legislation. This approach is fundamentally different from most assessments in which analyses rarely go beyond macro-level indicator assessment. The latter rarely isolate effects in communities, and almost never engage local experts to interpret data and identify the ramifications of project-induced changes at a community level.

This paper concludes with examples of how natural capital management in the national forests in the Quincy Library Group area can be assessed to determine its effect on community well-being.

National Forest and Forest Service Activities

The Forest Service influences local community well-being in a variety of ways. First, the Forest Service transfers national forest assets and products to individuals and companies through a variety of mechanisms from timber sales to use permits. Some of these products are directly consumed or enjoyed locally, but others (such as timber and water) travel well beyond the their source, affecting numerous communities through which they pass as value is added through local labor in extraction and production. Second, resource management activities act to increase or decrease the asset value of the national forests natural capital in a variety of ways. The asset value may be recognized in terms of standing timber values or more intangibly through landscape and amenity values realized by local residents and visiting tourists. Third, the agency may affect local well-being through the provision of employment opportunities both through direct employment and service contracts and by spending federal money locally for operational purposes. Actions in all three of these categories may have an effect on community well-being and can be measured through a variety of means.

Transfer of Forest Assets and Products

While forest product industry jobs have historically been conceived as the mechanism through which local well-being is affected, an expanded view of the effects of natural capital management encompassing conditions, products, services and values, is necessary. The condition of natural capital, how it is managed, and the opportunities and limitations that result from its management, all affect and in some cases make the difference between communities thriving or not. Complicating the relationship between natural capital and forest product-based well-being is the socially structured nature of forest work. Workers in forest industries are dependent on the biological resource, but the forests and their products are controlled by the Forest Service, private industry and other land holders and contractors. To evaluate social impacts resulting from natural capital management therefore requires (1) assessment of the distribution and control of resources, (2) evaluation of the industries in terms of who buys, who harvests and who adds value to forest products and where the companies are located, and (3) evaluating the terms, conditions and location of work associated with the forests. The relationship of well-being to forest work is further complicated by the fact that products are now shipped far beyond their source, affecting numerous communities (and ignoring others) through which they pass as value is added through labor and production. Beyond the potential impact on aesthetic and recreation and tourism values, forest product harvest levels will have little effect on local communities if local workers are not involved in harvesting, hauling, milling or adding value in some way to the product.

Traditional products and assets derived from national forests include timber, grazing lands, minerals, water, and recreation. Direct sale or transfer of assets and dividends of national forests (wood fiber, water, non-timber forest products, etc.) and the value added locally as the product is removed and passes through local communities represents an additional impact of Forest Service activities on community well-being. The following discussion focuses primarily on timber sales, although other national forest assets and products in the Quincy Library Group area, particularly water and electricity generation, may be of equal or greater value if the institutional mechanisms were in place to realize these values.

Timber Sales

As with forest service contracting, the structure and procedures for bidding on timber sales, as well as the way sales are packaged may be important in determining the relative benefits to local communities. Tracking successful timber purchasers and their base community can provide some indication of who controls local assets, profits, and hiring of workers (Danks and Jungwirth 1998). For example, timber sales information available for fiscal year 1998 for Lassen and Plumas National Forests 4 indicate that successful bidders were primarily from within the Quincy Library Group core or peripheral counties. Sierra Pacific Industries, based in Shasta County, with local mills in Quincy and Susanville, was the major purchaser of timber in terms of the number of sales (23) and value, purchasing 63% of the value of all sales for Lassen and Plumas Forests combined.

The ability of small business to purchase timber from the national forests contributes to the diversity of the forest products sector within the Quincy Library Group area. Smaller timber companies diversify employment opportunities, by allowing woods workers to be less dependent on a single, large company. Smaller companies, however, are generally at a disadvantage when competing for high volume sales, due to a lack of capital, labor, equipment, and bonding requirements. In order to help sustain smaller businesses, national forest policy allows for Special Salvage Timber Sales (SSTS), and other set-aside sales, for companies with fewer than 25 employees. For the Lassen and Plumas National Forests in 1998, only two out of 39 timber sales were set-aside for small businesses. Small businesses (i.e., those with less than 25 employees), however, were able to successfully compete for many of the non-SSTS, smaller volume sales. Of all timber sales in Lassen and Plumas National Forests in 1998, eight percent and 18 percent, respectively, went to small businesses. The average bid value for smaller companies was $20,381 and $12,133 compared to large companies, which had an average bid value of $409,727 and $134,684, for Lassen and Plumas forests, respectively. See Appendix IA for a listing of sales and sale types.

Despite the ability of some small timber companies to successfully compete for timber sales, the majority of timber-dependent companies within the Quincy Library Group core counties are not direct purchasers of sales. Within the three QLG core counties (Lassen, Plumas, and Sierra 5), business information showed a total of 45 timber-related companies, employing a total of 1,654 people in 1997 6. Of these companies, only five were successful bidders of timber sales in FY 1998, three of which could be classified as small businesses. That only 11 percent of all local timber-related businesses directly purchased timber in FY 1998 suggests that the capacity of many local timber-dependent business may be below that needed to successfully compete for sales or they have chosen to not compete for sales for reasons that could be explored further. It also suggests that these smaller companies (some of which consist of only two employees) are subcontracting their work to larger timber purchasers.

Many of the larger timber companies in the area have, within the last 10 to 15 years, scaled down their operations such that they specialize only in milling, subcontracting the harvesting and transport of logs to independent loggers (or "gyppos''). The terms and conditions of working as an independent subcontractor are variable, but commonly involve lower pay, less job stability, and fewer, if any benefits, than when companies have more direct control over assets (Kusel et al. in press). Competition for contracts with timber purchasers may force contractors to offer lower bids, which may, in turn, sacrifice job quality and safety. The leveraging power of independent subcontractors is also limited by the lack of union representation. There is currently no official labor union representing independent woods workers. Developing a greater understanding of the circumstances surrounding contracted woods work, and the constraints of small, local, timber-dependent businesses is critical to an assessment of well-being within the Quincy Library Group area communities.

The mechanization of the timber industry has had a tremendous impact on timber-dependent businesses and economies, both in terms of reducing labor requirements as well as on the financing capabilities needed to purchase and continually update equipment. For example, Brown (1995) found that automation alone accounted for the loss of 13,000 jobs in the wood products industry in Oregon between 1976 and 1986. Credit to purchase equipment is often difficult to obtain for smaller businesses due to the lack of long-term guarantees in timber-related employment. Changes in national forest management within the Quincy Library Group area forests may have substantial impacts on the ability of local timber-related businesses to obtain credit.

Some suggest that the products offered through timber sale programs and control over sale costs represent the greatest economic influences the Forest Service has over jobs and revenue production (Dillingham 1998). The degree to which local communities benefit from timber sales is often dependent on who the successful bidders are, and the amount of value-added processing that occurs locally. For example, benefits to local communities and economies are likely to be higher when timber is sold, extracted, milled, and further processed locally compared to when raw logs are exported from the area. Thus, monitoring should not only focus on timber purchasers, but also on the level of processing that occurs within local communities. Monitoring the flow of logs has been a challenge, however, due to the difficulty in determining where logs are milled and further processed. One problem is that the location where raw logs are scaled is often different from their milling location (Cecilia Danks 1999, personal communication). Further research into determining the level of value-added input that occurs locally is needed to properly monitor and assess the benefits to local businesses and communities. The Forest Service could more readily track the relationship of national forest timber to local production through the implementation of a chain of custody process associated with timber sales.

Three timber harvest objectives are identified by national forest policy: "timber commodity'', "forest stewardship,'' and "personal use'' purposes. Timber commodity harvests are nominally intended to meet the nation's demands for wood. Harvesting for forest stewardship is conducted to help achieve land management objectives that require the management of existing vegetation (e.g., improving forest health, reducing the risk of catastrophic fire, and creating desired wildlife habitat). Personal use purposes provide firewood, posts, Christmas trees, and other products used for individual consumption. Historically, the majority of national forest timber sales were for commodity purposes; however, greater proportions of sales are currently aimed at meeting forest stewardship objectives (U.S.D.A.-F.S. 1999) and these will likely continue to increase with Quincy Library Group legislation. Forest stewardship harvests may be substantially different from traditional commodity sales in terms of sale size, labor force requirements, and level of mechanization, consequently, increases in forest stewardship harvests could potentially have substantial impacts on local economies by changing the competitive structure of sales. Since timber production is not the focus of forest stewardship contracts, however, the products removed tend to be of lower value and provide less opportunity for value added production. For example, small diameter material is often chipped and used simply for fuel, eliminating any opportunity for local labor to add significant value to the base material other than through transportation.



Footnotes:
  4 The Sierraville Ranger District of the Tahoe National Forest reported no timber sales in FY `98.

  5 Sierra County timber-dependent companies were restricted to those within the Sierraville Ranger District boundary only.

  6 Data obtained from Plumas Corporation.



Biofuels

The Quincy Library Group has proposed the use of low-value biomass for processing into ethanol, as a renewable energy source. The development and implementation of ethanol manufacturing plants throughout the Quincy Library Group area may have significant impact on community well-being. In a feasibility study prepared by the Quincy Library Group, the California Energy Commission, the California Institute for Food and Agricultural Research, the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, Plumas Corporation, and TSS Consultants the socioeconomic impacts of ethanol production are outlined. The creation of at least 28 direct jobs is anticipated with the establishment of a modest-sized ethanol manufacturing demonstration plant. Additional employment could be generated if an energy plant were constructed together with the ethanol manufacturing facility. Including employment needed to gather, process, and transport biomass, as well as indirect employment, between 184 and 250 total jobs could potentially be generated.

The long-term sustainability of this type of operation, however, should be carefully evaluated. The amount of biomass necessary to feed this type of plant would require 17,800 truckloads of material per year, or 85 truckloads per day. The level of mechanization would also have an impact on total employment. As mentioned earlier forest products harvesting practices increasingly involve high technology machinery, requiring large amounts of initial financial capital and minimizing labor. The degree to which local communities will benefit from a biofuels program depends, to a large extent, on how gathering and processing contracts are packaged and the level of technology demanded. The effects of this activity on aesthetic and other non-commodity valuation of the forest also needs to be evaluated.

Other Forest Values

In addition to the varied dimensions of work associated with forest products, well-being is also affected by forest condition as it contributes to or detracts from recreation and tourism and opportunities for retirement living, a rapidly growing sector of the economy in the Quincy Library Group area. The forest ecosystem contributes to well-being through its aesthetic, symbolic and locality-based importance. There is no direct economic gain from this kind of valuation, but it does require recognition of the alternative ways of valuing natural capital and its role in well-being.

The management of the national forests within the Quincy Library Group area has an important impact on amenity value of the area. Amenity values pertain to the environmental (e.g., scenic or landscape) and social (e.g., sense of community) qualities of a particular place that make it a desirable, attractive, and enjoyable place to be. Although amenity values are often ``intangible'' in terms of direct economic benefits, these values often play a major role in attracting and binding people to a region and can have significant indirect affects. Stewart (1996) found that the most significant economic changes in the Sierra Nevada over the last 20 years could be attributed to a large influx of new residents attracted by the environmental and social amenities of the region. He found that residential and commercial construction in the Sierra Nevada region substantially increased property taxes collected by county governments, and represented the largest change in total financial assets to the area.

The monitoring of national forest amenity values as they pertain to local community well-being can be conducted through indirect measures of these values. Amenity values are often reflected through economic indicators, such as the growth in tourism and recreation industries. The Transient Occupancy Tax, which measures the revenue from local hotel and motel taxes, is one tangible indicator of tourism in the area. It is important to keep in mind, however, that migrant, summer labor may contribute, in some degree, to motel room occupancy. Information on revenues from recreation and tourism business, obtained from business listings in telephone directories (ProPhone), the Census of Service Industries, and the Census of Retail Trade, also provide some measure of the amenity value people place on the land. Additional ways to measure recreational use include monitoring the number of fishing and hunting licenses, and revenues generated from newly-established user (or recreational) fees within the national forests. Evaluating the status and trends in amenity values can also be measured through indicators such as growth in residential development and real estate, available through the California Department of Finance.

The commuting population and commuting distances also reflect, to some degree, the desire for people to live in a particular place based on non-work-related values. Local residents working in Reno or the Sacramento Valley often choose to live in the Sierras because of its amenity values. Monitoring commuter information can provide an indication of the distances people are willing to routinely travel to take advantage of these values.

Forest Service Employment

One of the most direct impacts the Forest Service has on local jobs in the Quincy Library Group area is its role as an employer. As with other government agencies, the advantages of Forest Service permanent employment include relative job stability, year-round employment, and benefit packages. Many permanent positions are high-paying, "white collar'' jobs, requiring advanced training and education. In some of the smaller communities in the Quincy Library Group area these employees may comprise the highest percentage of "professional'' workers whose skills and leadership are important locally, and make up an important component of local human and social capital.

Changes to national forest management and budgets may have important impacts on the number of available jobs affecting local capital resources. Not only do changes affect the total number of employees, but they may also differentially affect certain occupational groups more than others. For example, reductions in timber harvests may decrease jobs in the timber sales department, but may simultaneously open up positions in other fields, such as wildlife biology or fire control. See Appendix IB for a breakdown in Forest Service employment in the Quincy Library Group area. Measuring Forest Service employment by occupation can indicate the degree to which changes in management affect the types of positions available, as well as the capacity of the local labor force to fill positions.

Forest Service Contracting

In addition to providing direct employment, job opportunities with the Forest Service through independent contracting for services, supplies, and construction also provide a source of potential employment and income for local residents. Service contracts awarded by the Forest Service range from tree planting, architecture/engineering, tree thinning, audiovisual production, equipment rental, janitorial services, exhibits and graphics, archeology, and writing. Supply contracts furnish commodities, products or equipment, including the manufacture, fabrication or processing of raw material into a finished product, and the procurement of raw materials. Typical supply contracts include gravel, fertilizer, cattleguards, wooden fencing, culverts, trailer houses, posts, fabricated metal, lumber, communications equipment, and pipe. Construction contracts include the construction, alteration, or repair of buildings, trails, visitor facilities, roads, dams, fences, campgrounds, sewer and water lines, bridges, and well drilling.

Changes in Forest Service activities as a result of the Quincy Library Group legislation may affect the size, type, and amount of all types of contracting. Community well-being, particularly human and financial capital and, secondarily, social capital will be affected by the degree to which local firms and individuals receive Forest Service contracts. Stewardship of the land is improved when workers have local knowledge, but it is important to recognize that knowledge of local landscape is not always locally based. Recognition of the barriers that local contractors face when competing for contracts is also important in improving local contracting capacities. When monitoring service contracts in the context of assessing their affects on stewardship and community well-being, it is important to consider the criteria by which contracts are awarded, the knowledge of the local landscape by those working the contracts, and whether contracts and jobs remain within the local area or are awarded to firms who hire workers with limited local experience and knowledge. Although a diverse pool of applicants is desirable when selecting contractors on the basis of cost, quality, and efficiency, benefits accrue to local communities when workers are locally based and execution of the contracts and the work, pay, and conditions associated with that work are fair and reasonable. See Appendix IC for a breakdown of service contracts in the Quincy Library Group area.

The degree to which contracts are awarded to local versus non-local contractors is often dependent on the human and financial capacities of local businesses, and the commitment by the forest or district to package them in ways that encourage local bidding (Danks and Jungwirth 1998). Often the spatial and temporal extent of a project precludes local contractors from participating in contract bidding. For example, some contracts may require large, seasonal, and unskilled crews over short time periods. Larger contractors from outside the area may be able to employ large crews year-round by securing several different contracts over a large geographic area. For example, larger, outside firms may have fruit tree pruning contracts in the Central Valley during the spring and tree planting contracts in the Sierra during the summer. Both the financial and human capital needed to continually update equipment and incorporate new technologies may also constrain local contractors.

Researchers have found that in addition to the size and type of contract, the method for soliciting bids may also be important in determining who receives a contract (Danks and Jungwirth 1998). For example, Danks and Jungwirth (1998) found that local contractors in Trinity County were more successful at obtaining reforestation and restoration contracts with Request for Quotes bids, while outside contractors were more successful in receiving contracts advertised as Invitations for Bids (or sealed bids) and Request for Proposals. Similar patterns were found for the national forests within the Quincy Library Group area. Although data on solicitation method were not available for 57 percent of all service contracts in 1998, those for which data were available showed that the most common method was by Request for Quotes (67 percent), followed by Request for Proposals (31 percent), with only two percent being sealed bids. Local (core county) contractors received 47 percent of all Request for Quote contracts, compared to only 28 percent of Request for Proposal contracts, and no sealed bids contracts. Possible explanations for this pattern include the size and value of contracts. Request for Quotes are generally lower-value contracts, as observed in the Quincy Library Group area national forests where the mean value of Request for Proposal contracts was $146,360 compared to $53,617 for Request for Quotes contracts. Request for Proposals also require proposal-writing skills and often incur higher risks than Request for Quote contracts, which may also effectively constrain or limit local contracting if financial or human capital is limited (Danks and Jungwirth 1998).

Forest Service contracting procedures, including the packaging of contracts and methods of bid solicitation, thus potentially have a significant influence over which firms receive job contracts and the conditions under which they are received, which, in turn, directly affects human and financial capital through wages, working conditions, employment levels, and the success and number of local businesses. Monitoring pattern and trend, and not simply the number or value, of Forest Service contracts yields a better understanding of how the structure of contracting affects local well-being.
 
 

References

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Brown, Beverly A. 1995. ``In-migrations, timber, and owls: Background to transformation.'' (p. 3-35) in In timber country: Working people's stories of environmental conflict and urban flight, edited by Beverly A. Brown. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Bunker, Stephen. 1985. Underdeveloping the Amazon Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Burdge, Rabel J. 1994. A Conceptual Approach to Social Impact Assessment: Collection of Writings. Middleton, Wisconsin: Social Ecology Press.

Campbell, Angus. 1981. The Sense of Well-Being in America: Recent Patterns and Trends. New York: McGraw Hill Book Company.

Citro, Constance F., and Robert T. Michael. 1995. Measuring Poverty: A New Approach. Washington. D.C., National Academy Press.

Danks, Cecilia and Lynn Jungwirth. 1998. Community-Based Socioeconomic Assessment and Monitoring. Watershed Research and Training Center Working Paper Series, Hayfork, CA:

Doak, Samuel C. and Jonathan Kusel. 1996. Well-Being in Forest Dependent Communities, Part II: A Social Assessment Focus, in Status of the Sierra Nevada Vol. III: Sierra Nevada Ecosystem Project, Final Report to Congress Davis: University of California, Centers for Water and Wildland Resources.

Forest Ecosystem Management Assessment Team [FEMAT]. 1993. Forest Ecosystem Management: An Ecological, Economic , and Social Assessment. Report of the Forest Ecosystem Management Assessment Team. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Forest Service.

Fortmann, Louise et al. 1991. Well-Being in Forest-Dependent Communities, edited by J. Kusel and L. Fortmann, Vol. 1. Sacramento CA: California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection.

Gaventa, John. 1993. ``The Powerful, the Powerless, and the Experts: Knowledge Struggles in an Information Age,'' in P. Park et al. (eds.), Voices of Change: Participatory Research in the United States and Canada, pp. 21-40. Toronto: OISE Press.

Gray, Gerald and Leah Wills. 1999. in G. Gray, M. Enzer and J. Kusel (eds.), Understanding Community-Based Ecosystem Management. In Press.

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Interorganizational Committee on Guidelines and Principles. 1994. Guidelines and Principles for Social Impact Assessment. NOAA Technical Memorandum NMFS-F/SPO-16. U.S. Department of Commerce.

Hester, Randy. 1985. Subconscious Places of the Heart, Places 2:10-22.

Humphrey, Craig R. et al. 1993. Theories in the Study of Natural Resource-Dependent Communities and Persistent Rural Poverty in the United States. Pp. 136-172 in Persistent Poverty in Rural America. Edited by Rural Sociological Society Task Force on Persistent Rural Poverty. Boulder: Westview Press.

Intergovernmental Advisory Committee Research and Monitoring Committee Effectiveness Monitoring Team. 1997. The Strategy and Design of the Effectiveness Monitoring Program for the Northwest Forest Plan. Interim Report presented to the Interagency Advisory Committee.

Kim, Kyon-Dong. 1973. Toward a Sociological Theory of Development: A Structural Perspective. Rural Sociology 38:462-476.

Kusel, Jonathan. 1996. Well-Being in Forest Dependent Communities, Part I: A New Approach, in Status of the Sierra Nevada Vol. III: Sierra Nevada Ecosystem Project, Final Report to Congress Davis: University of California, Centers for Water and Wildland Resources.

Kusel, Jonathan et al _____. The Effects of Displacement and Outsourcing on Woods Workers and Their Families, Society and Natural Resources, in press.

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Appendix I

A: Timber Sales by Type, Method, and Value in Plumas and Lassen National Forests
B: USDA Forest Service Employment in the Quincy Library Group Area
C: Service contract data for FY 98 for the Sierra-Cascade Province

A: Table 1. Timber Sales by Type, Method, and Value in Plumas and Lassen National Forests



 
 

National Forest
SBA Set-Aside 7
Salvage Class 8
Method of Sale 9
SBA Class 10
Bid Value 11
Local 12
Lassen
           
 
N
Z
A
L
$78,000.00 
1
 
N
N
A
L
$220,000.00 
1
 
N
N
A
L
$1,618,000.00 
2
 
N
Z
A
L
$133,000.00 
2
 
N
N
S
L
$175,504.00 
2
 
N
N
A
L
$589,000.00 
2
 
N
Y
D
L
$54,585.95 
2
 
N
Z
A
N
$35,126.00 
1
 
N
Z
A
N
$30,638.00 
1
 
N
Z
A
N
$30,638.00 
2
 
N
N
S
S
$141,813.00 
3
 
N
Z
D
S
$3,858.63 
1
 
W
Z
A
W
$13,000.00 
1
 
N
Z
S
W
$13,221.00 
1
Plumas            
 
W
Z
S
W
$34,923.00 
2
 
N
Y
D
N/A
$4,188.09 
N/A
 
N
Z
S
L
$325,132.00 
2
 
N
N
A
L
$19,941.00 
2
 
N
N
A
L
$332,000.00 
2
 
N
N
A
L
$166,022.00 
2
 
N
Z
A
L
$87,019.77 
2
 
N
N
D
L
$6,868.66 
1
 
N
N
D
L
$5,806.93 
3
 
N
Y
A
N
$561,000.00 
1
 
N
N
S
N
$14,477.12 
1
 
N
N
A
N
$24,128.00 
1
 
N
N
D
N
$5,948.96 
3
 
N
N
D
N
$6,818.24 
3
 
N
Y
A
N
$643,000.00 
1
 
N
N
D
N
$2,879.06 
3
 
N
N
S
S
$30,587.70 
2
 
N
N
D
S
$16,852.43 
1
 
N
N
S
W
$4,335.80 
2
 
N
N
S
W
$4,964.68 
2
 
N
N
D
W
$5,011.33 
1
 
N
N
D
W
$58,996.80 
1
 
N
N
S
W
$5,034.41 
1
 
N
Z
S
W
$4,219.53 
1
 
N
N
D
W
$2,370.00 
N/A


Footnotes:
  7 N is no, Y is yes for all regular SBA set-aside sales, and W is SBA set-aside SSTS sales.

  8 N is no for all green sales, Y is yes for all salvage sales in the regular program and financed by appropriate funds, and Z is yes for all salvage sales primarily financed by the salvage sale fund.

  9 A is auction, S is sealed bids, and D is direct, unadvertised or noncompetitive (negotiated).

  10 S is small (less than 500), W is SSTS - Small Business (25 persons or less), L is large (more than 500), and N is nonmanufacturing.

  11 Bid values are the dollar amounts submitted by the highest bidder.

  12 1 are companies within the QLG core counties (Lassen, Plumas, and Sierra), 2 are those in peripheral counties (Butte, Nevada, Shasta, Tehama, and Yuba), and 3 are those outside of the core and peripheral counties.


B: USDA Forest Service Employment in the Quincy Library Group Area

National forests within the QLG area currently employ 687 people, including the Tahoe National Forest Supervisor's Office and Sierraville Ranger District. The importance of the Forest Service as a local employer is not only in terms of the quantity of people it employs, but also the quality and types of job positions available. As with most other federal agencies, Forest Service positions are based on standard classification procedure or grade level that determines, not only salaries, but also the job duties and responsibilities . Determination of positions within General Schedule occupations is commonly based on nine factors:

(1) knowledge of the required position,
(2) supervisory controls,
(3) guidelines,
(4) complexity,
(5) scope and effect,
(6) personal contacts,
(7) purpose of contacts,
(8) physical demands, and
(9) work environment.
Although employee salaries and compensation are based, to some extent, on quality of performance, length of service, and recruitment and retention considerations, they are also based, to a large extent, on grade (or GS) level. Higher GS-level staff are thus expected to earn more than lower GS level employees. For example, the 1999 General Schedule pay rates 13 range from $26,998 to $35,097 for a GS 7, while a GS 9 earns from $33,026 to $42,936. Table 1 shows the percentage of Forest Service employees by grade level for Lassen and Plumas National Forests. The proportion of employees classified as GS 9 or greater is 51.5 and 53.2 percent for Lassen and Plumas Forests, respectively. The proportion of different grade level positions within the Forest Service may be a good indicator of the economic status of national forest employees, and provide insight into the general level of expertise, knowledge, and responsibility of forest staff; aspects that contribute to local human capital.


Footnote:
  13 Includes the Locality Rates of Payment of 5.87% for the area designated as ``rest of U.S.''

Table 2. Current number and percentage of employees by grade or GS level for
Lassen and Plumas National Forests.
GS Level
Number of Employees
% Employed by Grade
 
Lassen
Plumas
Lassen
Plumas
2
0
1
0
0.4
3
2
1
0.8
0.4
4
11
7
4.2
2.8
5
27
12
10.2
4.8
6
27
34
10.2
13.6
7
47
43
17.8
17.2
8
14
19
5.3
7.6
9
67
59
25.4
23.6
10
5
5
1.9
2.0
11
47
49
17.8
19.6
12
12
11
4.5
4.4
13
5
7
1.9
2.8
14
0
1
0
0.4
15
0
1
0
0.4

Table 3 presents the proportion of national forest employees by occupational group. Currently the majority of jobs are found within the biological sciences¾64.8 and 52.8 percent for Lassen and Plumas National Forests, respectively. Within the Biological Sciences occupational group, foresters and forestry technicians occupy the majority of positions (see Table 3).

Table 3. Current number and percentage of employees by occupational group for the Lassen and Plumas National Forests.
Occupational Group
Number of Employees 
% Employed
  Lassen Plumas Lassen Plumas
Accounting and Budget
3
13
1.1
5.2
Biological Sciences
171
132
64.8
52.8
Business and Industry
5
6
1.9
2.4
Engineering and Architecture
23
30
8.7
12.0
General Administration, Clerical, and Office Service
26
19
9.8
7.6
General Maintenance and Operations
1
0
0.4
0
General Services and Support Work
2
0
0.8
0
Industrial Equipment
1
0
0.4
0
Information and Arts
6
4
2.3
1.6
Misc. Occupations
0
2
0.0
0.8
Personnel Management and Industrial Relations
0
18
0.0
7.2
Physical Sciences
6
6
2.3
2.4
Social Science, Psychology, and Welfare
6
5
2.3
2.0
Transportation
1
0
0.4
0
Transportation/Mobile Equipment Maintenance
4
3
1.5
1.2
Transportation/Mobile Equipment Operation
7
11
2.7
4.4
Warehousing and Stock Handling
2
1
0.8
0.4

 

Table 4. Breakdown of jobs according to series, within the Biological Sciences occupational group for Lassen and Plumas National Forests.
Series within the Biological Sciences Occupational Group
Number of Employees
Percent of Employees within Biological Sciences
  Lassen Plumas Lassen Plumas
General Biological Science
3
5
1.8
3.8
Biological Science Technician
1
0
0.6
0.0
Botany
2
3
1.2
2.3
Plant Pathology
1
0
0.6
0.0
Rangeland Management
2
1
1.2
0.8
Range Technician
1
1
0.6
0.8
Forestry
31
21
18.1
16.2
Forestry Technician
113
93
66.1
71.5
Fishery Biology
5
1
2.9
0.8
Wildlife Biology
10
5
5.8
3.8
Biological Science Student Trainee
2
0
1.2
0.0

C: Service contract data for FY 98 for the Sierra-Cascade Province

Available service contract information 14 for the national forests contained within the QLG area in fiscal year 1998 show that 38 percent of all contracts went to companies within the core QLG counties (Lassen, Plumas, and Sierra), 25 percent to contractors in peripheral counties (Butte, Nevada, Shasta, Tehama, and Yuba), and 36 percent to outside contractors (Table 5). In terms of total dollar value of contracts, however, approximately $3.5 million went to outside contractors (or 42 percent of the value of all contracts), while local (i.e., core county) contractors received only $1.5 million (or 19 percent) and those in peripheral counties earned $3.2 million (or 39 percent). The mean value of service contracts for local companies was one-half to one-third less than that of contracts obtained from outside or peripheral companies.



Footnote:
  14 Data from 34 out of 133 total service contracts were incomplete and not included in the analysis.  Data are combined for Lassen and Plumas National Forests, and Sierraville Ranger District of the Tahoe National Forest, and also include service contracts from Modoc National Forest.

Table 5. Service contract data for FY 98 for the Sierra-Cascade Province (Lassen, Plumas, and Modoc National Forests) and the Sierraville Ranger District (Tahoe National Forest) indicating the location of contractors in relation to the number and value of contracts.
Location of Contractor
Number of Contracts
Percentage of all Service Contracts
Sum of Service Contract Values
Percentage of Value of All Contracts
Mean Contract
Value
Core
38
38
$1,541,648.30
19
$40,569.69
Periphery
25
25
$3,243,935.12
39
$129,757.40
Outside
36
36
$3,479,379.81
42
$96,649.44

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